Statement of the of Socialist Fighters Alliance

The imperial hegemony of the West over the world is in the verge of collapsing, this domination has carried with it wars, sufferings, and inequalities för the world. The capitalist imperialism in our time has divided the world into north and south, rich and poor, “civilized” and “uncivilized.” Since the collapse of the Eastern bloc, the American ‘New World Order’ has ruled the world as the jungle law. Political and military interventions and regime changes based on the western interests, punishing the governments for non-compliance and not letting free hands to the free market under the name of democracy and human rights has turned into a routine and has resulted in strengthening and take over of fascist groups and compromising with these regimes and groups..

Now, apartheid and religious fascism has taken over the fate of millions of oppressed people in the geography called Afghanistan in their bloody clutches and sinister phenomena are called the Islamic Emirate of Taliban. Since long the country’s political scene has been handed over to the religious and ethnic reactionaries due to the proxy wars and the country has been reduced to a den of reactionaries. Both the regime and the opposition get their legitimacy out of the religious and ethnic values. The Taliban regime is a disaster for the tormented people of Afghanistan and it is a huge political setback and a burden on the conscious of humanity. This tragedy has emerged in a historical process as a result of activities of reactionary forces (both domestic and regional), invasion and collusion of imperialist powers with regressive domestic backwardness. This inhumane and deadly situation must be transfigured. One can question that where are those warriors who pounded the stones of freedom, equality and the rights of laborer and the underprivileged? Isn’t it time to put an end to the marginalization of the left and socialist libertarian ideals in a situation while poverty, injustice and oppression are rampant, and stop it with our unity, empathy and revolutionary struggle? Isn’t it the right time to learn from the past and enter the new phase of revolutionary struggle responsibly with clear socialist and progressive demands? The return of the left and communists to the scene will bring hope of a better future to the society and especially for the young and progressive generation. The powerful return of the left to the political scene is tied with two basic things, having radical goals and demands and organizing themselves to implement these goals in practical.

For the last some time, a number of socialists have started a discourse under the name of “Left discourse” which was later renamed as “Socialist discourse”. The comrades in the left discourse, right from the beginning were leaning to come with clear, reasonable and constructive views, to create a constructive dialogue. Finally, after long discussions, a new communist alliance was proposed under the title of “Union of Socialist Fighters”. The comrades who played the main role in creating the alliance have continuously struggled in this direction for the last several decades. Now, the Union of Socialist Fighters summarize it position in the following points for a far-reaching and stronger union of socialist fighters.

1. Political Developments and Taliban Rule

Although every historical development has its own logic, but this logic is not necessarily consistent with the economic logic and social needs of the specific location. What causes this misalignment and characteristic is the activism and entanglement of the internal and external political-ideological factors in the society, status and role of the government, social classes and the temporary separation of determining and determined social factors. When the political factor as a determined factor is not subject to economic necessities and the need of its change is obtained mainly from factors other than the economic and the basic requirements of the society, the country encounters such fluctuations and historical developments. This kind of situation mainly happens in the economically backward societies where diversity and the main social class weighs insignificantly, where there is combined socio-economic structure and certain geopolitical success, and the rhythm of historical events and developments, advances and setbacks take an unusual routine. This is the fact the people of Afghanistan have witnessed in the last few decades, especially with the take over of the Islamic Emirate.

In the last almost half of a century, six different political regimes have exchanged violently in the country, changes that have resulted in the replacement of hostile regimes. The changes that involved the largest global and regional powers, the society has borne a heavy human price with millions of dead, disabled and displaced people. In these regime changes different political tendencies including left and right, nationalist, and religious have been tested and all failed. The failures that paved the way for the decadent and black Taliban emirate. A complex geopolitical process with continuous internal political instability has led to a painfully reactionary outcome.

The geographic location, economic and social structure, the position and role of political classes and regimes and their connections with global and regional powers, is the objective framework on which the developments and crises of the last few decades in the country have taken place and evolved. Afghanistan came into being with its present existing geography in the second half of the 19th century as a buffer zone between the British Empire and the Russian Tsarism. Despite many ups and downs, this situation continued until the mid-1970s. The buffer situation that continued until the end of World War II was one of the real obstacles to the necessary economic and political developments in the country.

Since the end of World War II, especially in the 50s and 60s, the course of economic and political developments entered into a new phase under the influence of global and regional developments, the capitalist relations with the active and prominent role of the public sector prevailed over old lord serf relations. The country’s political regime continued to play its neutral role between the Eastern and Western Blocs, but the balance ended with insertion of the regime into the influence of the Eastern Bloc in the 1970s with the coups of July, 1973 (Saratan 1352) and (Saur 1357) 27th April, 1978. Since then, the political developments in Afghanistan have been tied to the conflicts and geopolitical competitions among global and regional powers and Afghanistan has become the ground for competition and proxy war of major external powers.

Nationalist modernism and religious traditionalism were the two intellectual and political trends that have been in conflict with each other in Afghanistan’s politics since the beginning of the 20th century. In the contemporary history of Afghanistan, only two periods can be mentioned in which these two main trends have temporarily shared power together: a period of the kingdom period and the Islamic Republic of the last two decades. The Participatory periods that has finally ended in favor of one of these two tendencies.

Modernism and traditionalism in Afghanistan have historically been in collusion with big and antagonistic world powers: nationalist modernists with the Eastern Bloc and religious traditionalism with the Western Bloc. Such collusion lasted until the collapse of the eastern Bloc, and the post-cold war era, the West, led by the United States, as the only existing superpower in the world, formed an coalition of both trends under the name of the Islamic Republic, which failed to function after two decades of ruling. It paved the wy for the Taliban to regain power in the country. As such, the situation changed once again in favor of religious traditionalism.

The collusion of modernists with the East and traditionalists with the West was not due to come coincidence, but to a certain extent, was subject to the logic and economic models and the specific politics of these two blocs. The growth model of planned economy, unlike the free market model, was a way of economic growth in the socialist camp of the East represented against the West, a model that had succeeded in practice with the successful experience of the Soviet Union had opened a new perspective of economic growth for developing countries. Nationalist modernism, which included even the groups with left tendencies, considered the necessity of rapid economic growth and progress as the way of accomplishment of political power. Free market economic growth model which had shown its inefficiency in the economic development of southern countries, due to the colonial background of the West, could only be compatible with the interests and wishes of religious traditionalists.

The economic model of the regimes that emerged from the coups of the 1970s in Afghanistan followed the Soviet plan economic model that focused on rapid economic growth and development. The “Khalqi” regime which emerged after the coup of 1978 led the country to war and political crisis for several reasons including the inability to provide stability and create an atmosphere of suffocation and terror. This crisis resulted in a proxy war between the Eastern and Western blocs and provided a golden opportunity for Islamist traditionalists to once again appear as a coherent force with a plan on the political scene. With the country’s political situation becoming the scene of global and regional contests, the dialectic of political developments lost its link with the country’s economic needs and took a more independent path. This relationship could not be re-established even in the following two decades of the “Republic” due to the failure of the regime and the continuation of the war.

With the collapse of the past autocratic system and the people being dragged on to the stage of political struggles, the risk of two different types of political systems to overcome the chaotic situation increased: a democratic system based on the will of the people or a completely totalitarian and authoritarian “Caesar system” that can suppress the libertarian demands and egalitarianism with an iron fist. Or in other words, the ground for both progress and regress had appeared, but with regard to the global and domestic situation at that moment, more ground was paved for an authoritarian and reactionary alternative. The rise of the Taliban and the establishment of the Islamic Fascist emirate in the first period was the realization of the second alternative.

The “democratic/republican” era, in the aftermath of the incident of the 11th of September was formed after the invasion of the US and its allies, it soon faced both internal and external challenges. This project of the US and its allies was accompanied by many contradictions and paradoxes. The puppet regime that claimed freedom and democracy was formed on the basis of giving privileges to the ethnic and religious groups. The regime’s nationalism suffered greatly from ethnic discrimination and inequality and a “meritocracy” that wallowed in administrative corruption. Despite all its shortcomings, the provision of relative atmosphere of opportunities, advancements were achieved in education, press and publications and expansion of urbanization, which was unique in its kind in the history of the country. The external challenges of the “democracy” was its complete dependence on the US and west, its survival completely depended on the interests and will of imperial US, the whole fake structure of this puppet regime with all the military equipment collapsed as soon as the imperial military forces packed and departed. Moreover, the competing western powers in the region had declining interest in holding of such a corrupt regime.

The collapse of the “democracy” was a paradox of tragedy and comedy, an incident that brought a full-scale tragedy and disaster for the general population, the youth, especially the women in the country. But the failure of the world’s strongest military alliance (NATO) against a medieval and traditional war group on “motorcycles” was an ugly scandal. This was the second time that a modernist ‘democratic’ government was overthrown by Islamists in Afghanistan. Both of these transformations happened simultaneously with the change in the world order among the big world powers in a dialectical bond. The collapse of reign of Watan Party occurred with the collapse of eastern bloc and the end of cold war, while the empowerment of ‘”islamic republic” associates with the re-rise of multipolar world and decline in the Western dominated unipolar world order. As the balance of economic and political power in the world was disrupted during the three daces of the American “New world order” the geopolitical priorities of the US and its allies also changed (the contribution and role of the Afghanistan’s attrition war in these developments should not be ignored). The imperialist priorities in this period required focusing on more strategic areas, and the American compromise with the Taliban makes sense in this context.

The agonizing experience of the “Republican system of government” once again proved that the choice between democracy and human rights on one hand, and hegemony and imperialist political and economic interests on the other hand, that how the imperial capitalism prioritizes. The economic and political logic of imperial capitalism are essentially the same. As the capitalist production is possible as long as it is profitable, otherwise the production cycle stops working, democracy and human rights of the bourgeoisie are subject to its geopolitical policies. The nature of imperialist capitalism is interconnected to its political hegemony and economic profiteering.

The ultra-reactionary Taliban came to power once again as a result of compromise with the imperialism due to decadence of its dependant corrupt regime. The existence and survival of this regime owes first of all to regional and global political developments and complots. The decadent Emirate of Taliban, by creating a fascist religious, mono-ethnic and anti women government, benefits also from two other factors for its survival; the transition period in the global geopolitical order and the absence of a justified and effective political opposition. In the transition period of the world order, other critical regions such as Eurasia (Ukraine), East Asia (Taiwan and Korea) and the Middle East have been prioritized. Inside the country, no real oppositions have stepped in the ground. The previous corrupt, nationalist and reactionary ruling figures do not have the courage to stand against Taliban without the imperial patronage. Their parties have always played their role to pave the way for Taliban takeover of power and their expiry date is already over.

The historical reality shows that oppression and injustice escort their opposite poles of struggle and justice. The Emirate of Taliban is built on a heap of explosives and an ocean of rage and fury. The Emirate of Taliban is an extremely reactionary and unorthodox bourgeois regime. This regime is in no way compatible with the economic, political, social and cultural structure and needs of today’s Afghan society. For its survival, this regime has only two option; either it must undergo transmutation and change from Talibanism to a relatively conventional bourgeois regime; or face the freedom-loving and egalitarian movement. In both cases, the struggle to overthrow such a religious and ethnic regime practicing gender apartheid is a genuine demand and an unstoppable struggle.

2. The Left and its mistakes

The left fighters of the 1960s and 70s were the generation of struggle and sacrifices. They proved their commitment and belief in action by their sacrificing their precious lives for freedom and equality. Their sacrifices, struggle and revolutionary commitment will forever be remembered in the dark history of this sorrowful land. Gallantry and commitment that was first and foremost reflected their awareness of hardship faced by the deprived masses and their legitimate demands for improvement of their situation. The leftists of that era, despite different political and ideological programs, were still committed and believed in the rightness of their part. The commitment and belief was reflected in their practice through their organizational unity and cohesion.

But the commitment and confidence of the left in this era, never went beyond the framework of progressive modernist demands. Moreover, their limited and relatively superficial understanding of communism and the way it works, which is obvious in their documents and their practical achievements of their struggle, their weakness and deviation became even more evident the way they seized the power and how they utilized it. Gaining power by any means and using it for personal and group interests turned the ruling left regime namely People’s Democratic Party (PDP) into a full-fledged repressive force. Given their difficult situation, the opposition left organizations with other ideas than the PDP, made a big mistake by following superficial massism and aligning themselves with imperialism and religious-ethnic reactionary. By abandoning the socialist class struggle and libertarianism and accepting and embracing reactionary nationalism, the opposition left put its existential philosophy under question. In general, the Left of Afghanistan has not been a socialist and anti-capitalist movement, rather an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist movement.

The Saur coup (April 1978) was a disaster in the modern history of Afghanistan. The political failure of the coup plotters in their action desperately attempting to maintain their authority, reversed the forward moving of time for the Left to detriment of its political influence and credibility in the society. The Left movement, which once was the banner bearer of freedom, justice and progress, turned into a manifestation of violence, repression and tyranny when PDP ruled the country. While the wave of Rightism was spreading in the world, the regime emerged from the coup, by suppressing the people and mass killings of tens of thousands of cadres and Left activists, actually served this movement. Since then, Afghanistan has turned into the center of national and international reactionary activities. In this process, the native nefarious reactionaries have grown cancerous and have gained self-confidence in their actions and opinions. Human practice, as it is the most important factor of any social transformation, this time politically entered the social and historical sphere as the engine of the transformation. Human practice moved into a negative and reactionary direction, which now, with the establishment of the depraved Emirate of Taliban, is doing its utmost to push society into the darkness..

3 Classes and the Class Struggle

Afghanistan fundamentally is a backward peripheral capitalist country. One of the main characteristics of such societies is the existence of remnants of pre-capitalist production relations in compliance with the ruling capitalist system. Capitalist relations especially when its global movement has dominated the relations of production. The existence of complex capital centered production relations has led to the complexity and multiplicity of social classes. Observing and session on this level of incorporation, which is acknowledged by most of the left leaning tendencies, are having difficulties in understanding the capitalist essence of the whole process, which has led to the acceptance of the narrative and perspective of “semi-colonial and semi-feudal” as two mismatched completing halves of the socio-economic structure. A narrative and explanation that has led to the conclusions such as good and bad capitalism, national and non-national, as such imperialism has been reduced to a policy of plundering and domination.

According to the dialectical understanding of capital, capitalism can be analytically divided into two separate parts: the one is (pure) capitalism and the capitalism two is (historical). Capitalism one refers to capitalism in which capital earns profit, and capitalism two refers to a capitalist society in which capital in widely applied. Capitalism one is determined on an abstract and theoretical level with an abstract set of use-values of capital, while capitalism two is determined on a concrete level with a set of specific and incomplete use-values. There is always a gap between ideal and real capitalism. Although the acceptable level of this gap is calling a society as capitalist, is a subjective issue, the measurement of capitalism can be determined by the law of value and the relative law of excess population. The law of value is valid and generalized when economic life is entrusted to the principle of the market and capital tends to allocate resources in an arbitrary way towards general balance.

The law of relative excess population indicates that capitalist accumulation is cyclical, consisting of boom-and-bust phases. If during the recession phase, there is an increase in the number of unemployed masses and additional population, while the opposite happens during the expanding phase. Capitalism is generally the creator of relative surplus population, and capitalist surplus population originates from the organic composition of capital, contrary to Malthus’s theory. With this brief explanation, the function of the law of value in the country’s economic life cannot be denied. The market of goods and services and price determination has governed the market mechanism in the cities and villages. A relative surplus, comprising a considerable quantity of the population, is characteristic not only of the country but of the peripheral capitalisms.

The backward peripheral capitalism of the country has emerged as a result of capital flight from the country, its geographical location, political regimes, wars and continued crisis. The main initiator and promoter of capitalist relations in our country, like most developing countries, have been the government and modernist rulers; A process that has had many ups and downs in Afghanistan. Political crises caused by the global competition and regional powers have turned the process of growth and capital accumulation in the country into a rough and difficult path. The periods of economic growth and progress were followed by the periods of decline and regression.

The employed workers have always been quantitatively small, the “reserve labor force” or in other words un-employed workers who does not have any other means but their bare hands, constitute a quantitatively significant force; A quantity that came into existence with the development of capitalist relations, especially after the 50s with the collapse of traditional production relations, and has turned into a massive force with the war and political crises of the last more than four decades. Although the unemployed bulk of the labor force is one of the requirements of the capitalist production methods, but the lack of proportion between these two segments in Afghanistan is inexplicable with the purely economic function of capitalism without considering the components of war and politics. Or in other words, the huge quantity of unemployed workers is formed as a result of the politics and geopolitical competition among the capitalist states rather than being a product of the capitalist economic mechanism.

The working sector in Afghanistan consists of a small segment compared to the vast unemployed sector; this sector is mainly exploited in the government sector, commercial, service, transportation and production establishments of the private institutions with minimum salaries and inappropriate conditions. A segment of the working forces of the Afghan working class is made up of “immigrant” and seasonal workers, who mainly work in countries such as Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries and are constantly commuting. Despite many years of hard work in these countries and enduring the worst working conditions and brutal exploitation, this sector is still considered “foreign” and alien workers in these countries. This is not only the reality of the regional countries; rather it is the existing reality of global capitalism.

Another main working class of Afghan society, in addition to workers and capitalists, are the middle class and petty bourgeoisie of the cities and villages (peasants). The middle class is in a very weak position either because of the lack of productive institutions or because of the incompetent governments, but the petty bourgeoisie is a significant number in terms of quantity. The majority and the lower stratum of the petty bourgeoisie are closer to the unemployed workers because they mainly rely on their labor for survival. The class of land owners has lost its position as the main class mainly economically due to political, economic and climate changes.

The working class, both employed and unemployed, is quantitatively the largest social class in the country, but this tremendous quantity has not yet realized itself from “a class in itself” to “a class for itself”. The non-working part of the Afghan working class, which has mainly emerged as a result of the collapse of the urban and rural petty bourgeoisie, is a potential force rather than an active force in the working class. The majority of women can also be classified as potential workers. One of the characteristics of this section is their lack of realization and feeling of not belonging to the working class. The working class, although they consider themselves as workers, but their religious and ethnic identities dominate their worker identity. The dominant ethnic and religious discourse of the last few decades has managed to overshadow the class identity f the workers.

Revival and development of the worker identity of the working class is a vital and difficult process. The transformation of the working class from a class within itself to a class for itself is a possible by creating a political party for this class, the creation of a party and class consciousness is in a dialectical relationship. The creation of the working class party is the main weapon of the struggle of the progressive workers for the revolutionary change of the society. The working class party emerges from the incorporation of socialism with the working class movement, a consolidation that realizes in practice by uniting the self conscious and progressive elements with especially the like minded elements of the working class. Creating a party means challenging the rule and intellectual dominance of the ruling class and imposed ideology. The governing ideology is the ideology of the ruling class and the formation of the Worker’s Revolutionary Party is going to create a serious split in their dominance, their dominance will begin decaying and move towards its destruction with the success of the Workers Revolution. Awareness, class struggle, organization and revolutionary transformation of society are the main issues/tasks that have a logical and inseparable connection with the creation of the working class party.

4. Women and Independence

Women in Afghanistan are half of the population and also a group imprisoned at homes and is unemployed workers, but has full potential to work. Women are a force with great capacity for the independence and egalitarianism. Independence of women is one of the real criteria to gauge the social equality in a society. Contemporary history has shown everywhere, including in Afghanistan, that how women are treated is the main criterion for identifying the nature of a political system and movement. Religious and Islamic forces are reactionary movements, and their reaction is first of all manifested in their treatment of women.

One of the main challenges of Talibanism is how to deal with the status and rights of women in the society. Women have been deprived of all their human rights in the Taliban religious regime. Their gender apartheid is considered the worst kind of gender discrimination in modern history. Taliban are using all their might to drag the society backwards, while women and the rest of the society are not ready to accept it and have not other choice but to fight back; the struggle that has started since the day one, the Emirate of Islamic brutality came into power, and this ground of struggle is one of the most important ones for the freedom struggle in the country.

Working women represents freedom and equality in the economic field and as well in politics. Independence and equality before the law, which have been the main demand of liberal feminists, unfortunately, have not been able to lead to the real equality of women in the society. Although class struggle is the most important of the social transformation, it can become a real and powerful force when it is combined with other social egalitarian and libertarian fields, such as women’s equality and freedom. The class struggle in the economic field alone, without gener concreteness, cannot respond to the libertarian and egalitarian social demands, especially of women. In other words, class reductionism cannot lead to liberation and independence in the society without considering the objective needs and demands of women.

5. Religion and Religious Government

In a sense, religion is the spiritual need of a person who is in need of it, and as a part of culture and a dominant ideological discourse, it plays an important role in the backwardness of the individual and society. Religion is a historical phenomenon belonging to the past, the past that wants to shape the future and rule over it. Religion is the result of ignorance and submissiveness of man for himself and from the world around him. Religions spreads submissiveness and lack of self-awareness, domination of man over its fellow men and having a class society, which like religions themselves has a long history in the human life. Religion has always been a tool of power and domination of ruling classes. If on one hand, religion is the “opium for the masses”, on the other hand, it is a sharpened sword in the hands of the rulers. Fooling and threatening of the masses by religious leaders is a serious obstacle in the advancement, freedom and equality of human society.

As an obstacle to freedom and progress, religion becomes a serious danger when it is elevated from and ideological and cultural institution to a political force. The religious government is an important tool for suppressing and submission of the society. The people of Afghanistan belonging to different classes and layers of the society, especially women, have experienced in the past and are religious rule in the past, and now suffering from religious fascism and ethnic rule of Taliban. With this regime all the civil manifestations are fading down.

The people of Afghanistan are once again suffering from a terrible nightmare. Hunger, joblessness, fear, discrimination, and ignorance are the ugly nightmares that the Taliban regime has imposed on the long-suffered people of the country. This religious regime is not only incompatible with the needs, mentality, and era, but was not completely a random incident. The Taliban version of Islamism is a determined component with a matrix of determining components, both objective and subjective, national, transnational, and historical. It has emerged in an interaction. Coups and the creation of political and social crisis became the basis for the intervention of big powers and reactionary and religious regimes in the country, political, military, and ideological interventions that gave the religious reaction a chance to rise and claim the takeover of political power.

The collapse of traditional society and the emergence of a huge amount of unemployed ad “reserve army for the industry” provided the necessary force for the war factories of the government and parties. The social base and driving force of Islamism, like all populist and fascist forces, are mainly formed by the bankrupt traditional petty bourgeoisie and the urban lumpen proletariat. The poor, whose mentality are still shaped by the backward rural culture, especially religion, are also considered among the social base of Islamism.

Islam and Islamism are in a mutual relationship, and the defeat of Islamism and the overthrow of the religious government is the important step in weakening and marginalizing religion in the society. The Union of Socialist Combatants wants the complete separation of religion from the state, and fulfilling this political demand is the first important step towards freedom and eliminating discrimination and dominance of religious superstitions on people’s minds and their lives. The separation of the state from religion with the comprehensive freedom of the deprived classes, especially in the material and economic fields, can give the main and final blow to the acceptance and influence of religion in the society. The destruction of the domination of religion and religious mentality is possible with human freedom from material means and real freedom.

6. Nationalism and Ethnicity

Nationalism is a bourgeois ideology that arose in their class struggle against the societies before it, they identified themselves with religious, ethnic and aristocratic ideologies. Patriotism or nationalism, by creating the concept of the nation by using the objective and mental commonalities of its previous societies, provided the objective context for the production and circulation of social capital. The realization and approach of the left towards nationalism has been an inverted understanding in most cases. In the beginning, nationalism was placed against the old and traditional classes and values in the ranks of the left and the progressive forces of the society. The libertarian anti-imperialist nationalism of the 20th century also played a positive and progressive role but nationalism generally served the interests of the bourgeois forces and the capitalist class.

Afghan nationalism has been a failed project due to the exiwtence3 autocratic and ethnocentric regimes and the lack of necessary economic, political, and cultural growth. The failure of this project in creating a collective identity gave religious and ethnic identities a chance to gain more influence and power by taking advantage of political crisis. With the triumph of Taliban regime, the Afghan nationalism of the nation-state has given way to a system based on religious identity and emirate-nation. The nation-state model with a single language and culture model could not be successful model in the country, instead of accepting the equal right of the citizens and cultural and lingual/ethnic diversity, due to specific social and historical facts. Afghanistan is a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic country whose history of authoritarian rule by one ethnic group has created conflicts and an unfavorable atmosphere in the society. Eliminating the policy and attitude of mono-ethnic rule and creating an atmosphere and social conditions of mutual acceptance and respect for equal human rights can free the society from such a challenge.

In a class society, the struggle to secure equal human rights in all fields is in a dialectical relationship with the class struggle. The working class in Afghanistan consists of different tribes and ethnic groups. Strengthening the class identity of Afghan workers, both employed and unemployed, in practical means prioritizing class identity over other identities, including ethnic and religious identities. This goal will be realized when socialists and progressive workers are the flag-bearers of the principle of equality of all groups both among the working class and at the level of society.

In the capitalist system, the cycle of production and circulation of capital and correspondingly classes and class struggle are inevitably linked to ethnic and gender issues. The production and reproduction of labor force in this system pass through the lives of families, and the labor force can never be completely subservient to capital. Ethnic, religious and cultural identities are concretions that in certain historical and geographical conditions include everyone, including the working class, and the workers without gender, ethnicity, and cultural characteristics can only exist in abstraction. While criticizing and rejecting the nationalist identity, the Union of Socialist Combatants continuously struggle for the equality of all ethnic groups living in Afghanistan and the complete abolition of ethnic and racial oppression.

7. Revolution and Reforms

Part of the left’s perception of revolution and reforms in the past has been a non-dialectical understanding. Previously, the left was either revolutionary or reformist. The revolutionary left considered any demand for reforms to be against revolutionary changes. Such a bipolar view was not limited to the leftists of a particular country, the separation and conflict between the communists and the social democracy from the beginning of the 20th century gave this view a historical and theoretical aspect.

As we know, one of the main characteristics of social democracy was the complete rejection of the revolution in practice and considered the reform of the capital system as the only right and accessible alternative for the working class. On the other hand, the revolutionary communists and the head of the Bolsheviks were fighting with the reformism dominating the Second International with the plan of the revolution. From the point of view of the revolutionary communism of that time, the reform was only important for disrupting the balance of capitalism and exposing its reality and acceptability. In other words, the reform was completely at the service of the revolutionary transformation.

Such an approach had a tactical character rather than a principled and methodical character. The confrontation between revolutionary communism and social democracy occurred in the early 20th century when the world had entered a revolutionary phase, A condition that social democracy was unable to understand and reduced to the defender of capitalism within the framework of the capitalist system. But revolutionary communism marked a new era for the first time in history by winning the October Revolution. The revolutionary communist’s realization of the relationship between reform and revolution in a revolutionary situation was correct and reform should serve the revolutionary transformations. But in a non-revolutionary situation, reforms become more important.

Revolution is a qualitative change and a huge social transformation that rarely happens in history and in the direction of fundamental change. The occurrence of a revolution depends on many internal and global factors, of which the realization of objective and subjective conditions in considered as one of its key factors. The objective conditions mainly include oppression, exploitation and inequality, and the mental conditions express the awareness of the deprived and oppressed classes and groups who want to change and transform their situation. To provide the objective and subjective conditions is a relatively long process that also includes the routine and specific demands that workers and other oppressed groups face in the capitalist rule. Achieving the demands to improve the condition of the workers and their allies are the stages that will provide the revolutionary conditions. Or in other words, imposing more reforms for the benefit of the workers and the oppressed classes on the capitalist system, which is achieved because of struggles, helps to create revolutionary environment. The educated and successful working class is more prepared for the revolution than the uninformed and unsuccessful workers. Just as gradual quantitative changes and leaping qualitative changes are in a dialectical relationship, reforms and revolution also have such a connection.

Another important point is the nature of the revolution in the peripheral backward capitalist countries, where pre-capitalist relations still remains, the revolution under the leadership of the working-class party in these countries also has a democratic-socialist nature, where democratic character is dominating democratic at the beginning. Making two stages of the revolution into democratic and socialist stages, which Lenin criticized more than a century ago with his April theses, is a non-dialectical approach. Any democratic revolution that does not confront the exploitation and accumulation of capital will certainly remain within the framework of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and will never advance to the socialist phase. Struggle priorities and how to fight against the functioning of capital can only be determined in the actual process of a revolution. The Union of Socialist Fighters, thoughtful of such link between reforms and revolution and a revolution with a democratic-socialist character, fights in the direction of reformist demands and the establishment of a revolution for the purpose of fundamental political, economic and social transformation.

8. Migration and Globalization:

Human migration is an important part of human history. Humans have migrated throughout the history to achieve a better life and security. The migration of each historical period is linked and explainable with the economic political and social structure of that period, and migration in our era can be understood and investigated in the context of the capitalist production method and its needs. During the period of free competition, we see more migration within the national borders; that is, the migration of bankrupt peasants from the countryside to the city (of course, we have witnessed the largest kind of it in the last few decades in China). Bankrupt peasants, who had no other means of living than their labor force, turned to the cities to find work, and large cities came into being.

During the imperialist era and globalization, migration between countries takes place according to capital needs. Capital has priority in capitalism. Capital has always been able to cross national borders freely in the form of goods and monetary capital, and wherever the profit is more; it flows there, while labor does not have such freedom. But part of the domestic and non expert production of capitalism, especially the service sector, which has less spatial flexibility in obtaining the necessary labor force, is bound to attract labor from outside.

The controlled admission of labor in the form of migrant workers and political and social refugees is mainly a practicl response to the domestic capital needs of these societies. A large part of human migration in the world has an economic cause. Metropolis capitalism benefits greatly from controlled immigration from peripheral countries. Immigrant labor constantly plays the role of the industrial reserve army, thus keeping the salary level and expectations of the native worker low. Labor migration usually fuels the conflict among the workers themselves and leads to the strengthening of racist tendencies.

Migrant workers in advanced industrial countries form a new stratum, which is called the “underclass” in some countries. The majority of immigrants, especially the second and third generation, experience “everyday racism” and syustematic discrimination in the job search and work environment, and become alienated. Some of them turn to the religious and nationalistic extremism of their country of origin as a result of identity crisis and lack of active adaptation and elonging to their communities. The joining of young Muslim immigrants from Europe and America to ISIS is one of its prominent examples. Attracting experts and young people from underdeveloped countries to the West is another big economic and social blow to these countries. In short, the process of labor migration and its consequences originates from the need for capital and the mechanism of this system, and in general, it serves the interests of the center’s capitalism.

Capitalism is always seeking to shrink time and space with the growth of technology, because by doing this, it shortens the cycle of capital reproduction and, as a result, the process of accumulation and profitability. With the growth of communication and information technology, the distance has been greatly reduced in the contrmporary world. With such a reolution in technology, not only capitalism benefits, but also its “badgers”, the global working class. Although the socialist struggle has had a global and transnational content from the very beginning, and with the existing developments, the realization of socialist activities has become more favorable than in the past, “immigrant” workers in different countries can play a positive role in linking the national an global struggle in an effective way.

9. Environment and socialist approach:

The environment as a collective wealth can be managed and exploited with collective logic, and the provision of collective benefits is completely compatible with the socialist approach. Regarding the importance and how to deal with the environment, there has not been a single point of view among the socialist trends. The socialist tendencies and the left, especially the communists, are generally divided into two categories: the camp communists or yesterday and the communists of today. Despite the fact that Marx and Engels criticized the capitalist production method regarding the environment, their demands and theoretical plan could not be subject to their own time and place requirements. The problem of the environment and climate change at that time was different from today’s conditions, especially after the dominance of “oil” capitalism.

Although there is little discussion about the environment in Marxist classic works, but with a deeper analysis of historical materialism, the central position and role of the environment and nature becomes clear. In the philosophical view of modernism, with the change of the position of consciousness, society and nature, we are faced with three different paradigms: In Kant’s philosophy, as the main philosophy of modernism, individual consciousness is emphasized. From Kant’s point of view, it is individual consciousness that shapes the natural world and society, and in this way mind and consciousness separately create the named determinations. This view, which started from the time of Copernicus, emphasized the separation of the mind from nature and the separation of the individual from society. Hegel emphasizes the central role of society with a different understanding of consciousness, which sees it as the result of interpersonal relationships and prefers dialogue over monologue. That is, it is the society that produces consciousness, and with its evolution, consciousness does not need nature. From Hegel’s point of view, nature is the distorted expression of transcendental consciousness. The transition from the Kantian philosophy of consciousness to the Hegelian philosophy of knowledge was an important step forward.

It is in historical materialism that nature takes its central place. On the one hand, consciousness is a product of matter, and man achieves it in the process of changing nature and himself. Consciousness is the product of human practice with a social character, capable of changing the material world. In short, historical materialism explains the world, society, and human consciousness in a dialectical connection in which nature is at the center. Historical materialism sees man and nature not separately from each other, but in an inseparable connection, as Marx emphasizes on the naturalization of man and the humanization of nature.

In non-Marxist paradigms, nature has been a certain result of a constructive activity, while in the paradigm of historical materialism, nature is both constructive and constructed. The biophysical formation of the human being is the direction of the creation of nature, which Marx refers to as the naturalization of man. The humanization of nature, which is the changing effect of human practice on nature, expresses the constructed direction of nature. Therefore, self-improvement, social formation and material production are assimilated as three dimensions of a central activity of human interaction with the world. Separating material production from the other two components and assuming a linear relationship between evolution and material production is what has been the ruling view until now.

The economic growth that is under the influence of capitalist relations has put the collective and individual life of mankind and all living beings under serious threat. Capitalism in the process of unlimited accumulation of capital has approached the border of destroying the ecosystem. Marxist production theory, on the other hand, cannot ignore the natural and cultural conditions in creating value, including the process of ecology in the analysis of production is consistent with the content of historical materialism. Therefore, nature and work are the two main sources in the formation of all values. In summary, the struggle to improve and preserve the environment is one of the main demands of today’s socialists.

10. Imperialism and Globalization

Imperialist capitalism is the dominant economic and political system that has imposed wars, crisis and huge inequalities on humanity since its inception. This order has been responsible for two world wars, hundreds of local and national wars, and dozens of devastating economic and political crises. The new imperialism led by the United *States of America, which after the end of the cold war, has ruled the world like a bully, is now ready to wreak more was and destruction on the world to impose and maintain its global hegemony in the face of new economic and political powers.

The general functioning of capitalist imperialism can be explained by two main logics: the logic of capital and the logic of territory, the former being represented by the functioning of economic companies and the later by imperialist capitalist states. Capitalist imperialism is the direct result of these two logics that work together in a dialectical relationship. Economic logic is the continuous process of capital accumulation, a process that, with the interruption of that process, capitalist production stops functioning and creates destructive economic crises. The territorial logic or political logic determines the internal and external political-security functions of capitalist states. Governments and the capitalist regime serve to maintain and expand the territory of the process of capital accumulation by preparing and implementing laws, providing security. On the contrary, capital accumulation and economic growth strengthen the domination, authority, and political hegemony of bourgeois states.

It is a non-dialectical, reductionist claim that behind every domestic and foreign policy of capitalist states there is only economic logic. These two logics, based on the dialectical connection, are in a constant conflict and disharmony while being aligned. This is why different capitalist governments have emerged during the reign of this mode of production and in different political geographies, which did not have the similar role in the process of capital accumulation and economic growth, This inconsistency has always not only prevailed in the framework of the internal or national politics rather in external relations of the capitalist governments too. Certain political, social and cultural assimilations give a specific and special character to both the mentioned logic of capitalism, and we are faced with their concrete and not abstract forms in different forms of capitalist regimes in the real world.

The Imperialist capitalism has divided the world into central and peripheral regions (semi-periphery and struggling periphery) from the very beginning of its rule. In the same way that capitalism transforms a country into a ruling and prosperous minority and a condemned and needy majority in the national framework, capitalism covers this same image with domination over the world. It means the rick and ruling world and the dominated and poor world. This division does not only come from the political logic and geopolitical performance of capitalist governments, but the economic logic of capital is its main and determining cause.

By dominating a political geography, capital sooner or later faces the problem of excess capital accumulation; A problem that inevitably tends to reduce the rate of interest on capital. A problem Marx calls as the downward trend of the capitalist profit rate and recognizes it as one of the essential and main features of capitalism. The aggravation of this process and the lack of finding solutions in time will lead the capitalist production to the precipice of economic, political, and social crisis; The reality that lies in the essence of capitalist production and its intermittent occurrence is a real nightmare for capitalists.

Capital and the economic logic of capitalism, to deal with this problem, constantly seeks profit from the two factors of time and place. The time factor manifests itself in the form of long-term investments such as investment in education, research, etc., so that part of the additional capital is consumed in this way. But the location factor or factor realizes itself in the form of new areas of capital accumulation. The mechanism of capitalist development in the world has grown since the 16th century until now with the development of new areas of accumulation for which the existence of the necessary economic and political infrastructure is one of its prerequisites. The mechanism of capital development using the aforementioned time and place components is known as “time and place constants”.

The development of imperialist capital in the new geography, which is usually associated with the influence and political domination of governments, does not lead to the same result and achievement. For example, in the 19th century, a large part of the surplus capital of England was transferred to America, and as a result, America was promoted from a capitalist peripheral country to a metropolitan country, but this process did not happen in India. This problem has many reasons, but the role of the economic and political logics of imperial capitalism, which act based on the needs and interests of the metropolis, has a decisive role.

Since the Second World War and especially with the end of the Cold Was period and the undisputed dominance of the market economy, neoliberalism and financial capital dominated the world. The increasing dominance of an alliance of countries (for example, the European Union), consortia, organizations and transnational institutions such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, etc., helped to weaken the role of national governments in this process. As a result of these changes, the discussion of the globalization of imperial capitalism and the post-imperial or imperial period, which was accompanied by a revolutionary transformation in information and communication technology, was raised.

The action of Hart and Negri, two Marxist thinkers, with the theory of empire was a bold theoretical action that could reflect part of the existing reality of today’s world. According to many Marxist experts, they distanced themselves from dialectical and Marxist analysis by paying too much attention to the issue of power in general. Instead of a sociological and economic analysis of imperial capitalism, they proposed a philosophical analysis focused on “Foucauldian” power, where power exists anywhere and everywhere, and somehow forgot the role of governments and the political logic of capitalist governments. Guaranteeing the right of private ownership and capital profit, providing the conditions for accumulation and capitalist production, which are fundamental requirements of the economy and capitalist production, are made possible by the existence of national governments. They also claim that instead of classes and class struggle, these two Marxist thinkers offered the concept of the Gang Multitude with all its economic and political complications.

To sum up, the majority believe that the theory of empire, despite explaining part of the existing realities of capitalism in the current century, is unable to comprehensively explain the political and economic developments in the world today. Capitalism today has once again entered intense imperialist competition, where the main role in this competition is played by the imperialist capitalist governments. In other words, the political logic or the realm of imperialist capitalism has once again become the main direction of dialectical comflict in order to ensure its political hegemony and economic supremacy by using force. Nearly a century ago, unlike the theorists of the Second International, especially Kautsky, who had reached the theory of ultra-imperialism by focusing unilaterally on the economic logic of imperialist capitalism, Lenin pointed out the importance of imperialist political logic during the period of intensifying competition and re-division of spheres of influence. Confronting the imperialist war was rightly emphasized. History proved the correctness of Lenin’s analysis and stance with the outbreak of the First World War.